What will be the effect of giving Magistrates Courts
the power to sentence people to prison for a year rather than six months for a
single offence? The measure has been on the statute book since 2003 but despite
regular urgings from the Magistrates Association has remained unimplemented
until last week. The Government hopes the move will reduce pressure on the
Crown Courts so helping clear the backlog of serious cases.
Just how much it will do so is unclear. Justice minister
James Cartlidge told
Parliament in January that the extra powers for lay justices would
save nearly 2,000 Crown Court sitting days per year. He wrote to the Justice
Committee on 29th April that the estimate was 1,700.
The impact
assessment (IA) he signed off the previous day actually says
that “after applying an optimism bias of 20% the sitting day figure reduces
further to 1,400.”
But what about the effect on the size of the prison
population?
The answer is even less clear. The IA assumes that sentences given by magistrates with their extended powers
will be the same as those which would have been given by Crown Court Judges and
anticipates no change in prison numbers. But why then should the Government go
to the trouble of legislating a “varying power” to enable ministers to
reinstate the 6-month limit?
They
say it’s necessary “to ensure flexibility in the future,
should significant unsustainable pressures arise …. such as a significant
increase in the prison population, or a change to the election {for trial} rate
increasing the pressure on the Crown Court”.
The
IA acknowledges that cases will be completed more quickly in the Magistrates Courts,
so defendants who get a jail sentence will enter prison sooner. The MoJ reckon this
will only bring forward, rather than add, costs to the Prison Service. But presumably
there may be operational pressures resulting from increased receptions in the
short term, although many of those involved would have been remanded in custody awaiting Crown Court sentencing under the old arrangements.
Of greater concern is the risk that magistrates could sentence more harshly than
Crown Court judges, which would lead to an increase in prison
numbers. The IA calculates that 550
additional prison places will be needed if immediate custodial sentences
increase by 2 months and a third of suspended sentences were in future to result
in a jail term.
How likely are
magistrates to use their new powers in this way? The IA says that because the cases
will be the most serious magistrates see, they may sentence at the top end of the
range available to them. Conversely, cases would be the least serious in Crown
Court, so comparative sentences may be lower.
While this looks plausible,
it doesn’t seem exactly evidence based. In a 2019 report the Justice Committee
backed giving magistrates the extended powers “subject
to establishing a positive evidential basis for doing this from a suitable
modelling exercise on the effects of such a step”. The government
demurred, concerned about the potential knock on effects “and
the difficulties of modelling these”.
In a feeble response
to a FoI request last year from Penelope Gibbs at Transform Justice, the MoJ
confirmed that it had done modelling and made impact estimates, but locating,
retrieving, and extracting the information would be too costly to provide it. Creating
the “varying power” for use should “any
unsustainable adverse impacts materialise” suggests the
MoJ’s modelling might have predicted some of these. But they won’t say.
So, what might happen
over the coming months?
In 2019 the Senior District Judge told MPs she would be “very cautious” about increasing
magistrates powers and “a bit worried that there would be an
increase in prison sentences”.
By contrast Justice Committee Chair
Bob Neill took the view during the passage of the Judicial
Review and Courts Bill that “there is a
bit of an urban myth that magistrates are heavier handed in sentencing than the
Crown court would be”. The experience of ex
magistrate MP Andy Carter is that the overwhelming majority of
magistrates will do everything they can to avoid passing a custodial sentence,
and if a custodial sentence is required, a primary consideration is to look to
suspend that sentence.
The MPs colleague James
Daly
wishes it were otherwise arguing that “we should be imposing deterrent
sentences rather than the incredibly lenient sentences that are often handed
out by magistrates because they do not feel that they have sufficient powers or
length of sentence to replicate the seriousness of the offences that they are
facing”. And this is precisely the
danger.
The Government say they’ll monitor the impact on average
custodial sentence lengths and the prison population rates as well as the court
backlog. They’ll also see whether more defendants elect Crown Court trial or
appeal against their sentence, both of which would add to rather than subtract
from the backlog.
An equality
impact statement says monitoring will include data on sex,
ethnicity, and other protected characteristics “where it is available”. But during
the passage of the Judicial
Review and Courts bill, the government rejected as
burdensome an amendment requiring reporting to Parliament every four months on
the operation of the increased sentencing powers. And oddly the IA says the policy of extending
Magistrates’ Court sentencing powers will
not be reviewed.
To reduce the risk of unsustainable adverse impacts,
the government promised to provide training for magistrates, district judges
and legal advisers and to work with the Sentencing Council to update sentencing
guidelines. There has been nothing so far on the Council’s website about the change.
Overall the measure gives a good deal of cause for
concern. As the House
of Lords Delegated Powers and Regulatory Reform Committee have said “the issue of what the maximum term
of imprisonment that is available to a magistrates’ court should be is one on
which there are differing and strongly held views”.
The idea that ministers can switch it on and off at
will is bizarre. But so, to me anyway, is their ability to commence a legal
provision 19 years after it was enacted and in a very different context. No
consideration seems to have been given to piloting it; and the powers are
clearly a means to the end of freeing up court time rather than necessarily in
the interests of justice.
As for the substantive issue, I’ve always wondered
whether lay magistrates should have powers to sentence people to prison at all.
Certainly the way the Magistrates Association have celebrated their “campaign
win” looks slightly off.
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