When Justice Secretary Robert Buckland finally overcame technical
glitches to give his sentencing speech at the Centre for Social Justice, it was
like watching a game of two halves. Not surprising perhaps as the White Paper
he was launching seeks to strike a balance between “making sure the public are
safer from harm and, at the same time, ensuring offenders have the right
opportunities to change their lives”.
He galloped through the more punitive reforms already trailed
at the weekend, the dismal justification for which amounts to little more than the
public “want to know that when serious and violent offenders go to prison,
that’s where they’ll stay for as long as possible”. He added a couple of other gratuitous ideas – potentially
longer terms for children receiving Detention and Training Orders and trying to
ensure courts impose more mandatory minimum jail terms for repeat offenders.
More interesting,- not least it seemed to Buckland himself - were some of the “smart” measures he went on to outline – more treatment options for people serving community
sentences, an “empowered” probation service and reductions in the periods after
which some sentences can be considered spent for the purposes of criminal
record checks. Tighter criteria for
remanding children to custody are very welcome, so too a greater use of deferred
sentencing to provide opportunities for accessing help with problems or taking
part in restorative justice. Positive words about out of court disposals made a surprising change – though limiting police in law to just two types could have
unintended consequences.
There’s a nagging doubt that while the harder measures will definitely come to pass-
legislation is expected next year - many of the smarter ones may not get beyond
pilots or evidence gathering. Take Problem-Solving Courts, enthusiasm for which
has waxed and waned for 20 years. This is at least the third iteration of pilots
I can remember. They will have a harder edge this time round with immediate
short custodial stays as a sanction for non-compliance with court orders – the so
called swift and certain approach. But there’s a strong chance that problem
solving (like restorative) justice is destined to stay at the margins of the way
we respond to crime.
In similar vein, Buckland rightly diagnosed the problem of
people getting short prison sentences without courts seeing a pre- sentence report (PSR). His solution is not the obvious one - to require a PSR before custody can
be imposed- but for further work to be undertaken “to build the evidence base”. He spoke about neurodivergence – conditions
such as autism and dyslexia –as “something that is very close to my heart”. But
the White Paper proposal is for a national call for evidence to improve understanding.
That’s fine as start but will it go anywhere beyond that?
In the meantime, the impact assessments (IA) published
alongside the White Paper- always worth reading- show the likely consequences
of the longer spells in prison- an increase in the adult prison population of 600
and the child custody numbers of 50. These
don’t include the effects of tightening up on minimum mandatory sentences for certain
repeat offences, nor of any knock on sentence inflation which may result.
With refreshing honesty, the IA also points out that longer
time in custody may strain familial and community links, could limit offender
motivation for re-engagement in rehabilitation, and ultimately increase the
likelihood of re-offending. It also risks
increasing prison instability, overcrowding self-harm and violence.
That’s one reason it’s so important that the non- custodial measures in the White Paper work. Of course, the more "robust" they become, the more they can act simply as an ante-room to prison.
That’s one reason it’s so important that the non- custodial measures in the White Paper work. Of course, the more "robust" they become, the more they can act simply as an ante-room to prison.
As they say, in the end, it’s the hope that kills you.
No comments:
Post a Comment